Thursday, 23 October 2025

Language, Leadership & Maharashtra’s Directionless Politics – A Critical View

In a culturally rich state like Maharashtra, language has never been a point of conflict — until recently. Over the past few months, we’ve witnessed a growing controversy around the promotion of multiple languages in the school curriculum, allegedly in the name of national unity or educational reform.


While Deputy CM Devendra Fadnavis may have had noble intentions, the execution of these policies has lacked both sensitivity and clarity — especially in terms of their impact on young students and the local culture.



---


๐Ÿง  How Many Languages Can a Child Learn at Once?


Introducing three compulsory languages — Marathi, Hindi, and English — to small children simultaneously has raised serious concerns among parents and education experts alike.


Is it realistic to expect 6-year-old children to master three full languages at once?


And more importantly, should the state decide what language a child learns beyond the official language, or should this be the prerogative of the parents?


These are not just academic questions — they affect real families, real classrooms, and the cognitive development of real children.




---


⚖️ Language Policy vs. Cultural Identity


Maharashtra has always taken pride in its linguistic and cultural heritage. The Marathi language has not just been a medium of communication — it's been a carrier of tradition, literature, logic, art, and social reform.


Unfortunately, current political discourse seems to undermine this legacy in the name of promoting national integration, while doing little to empower Marathi in professional and technical fields.


It’s ironic that while the government insists on protecting every other language in India, any demand for Marathi’s due respect is labelled as regionalism.



---


๐Ÿ”„ The Broader Problem: Directionless Governance


This language issue is a symptom of a larger malaise in Maharashtra’s political landscape — lack of clarity in governance.


Real issues like:


Employment generation


Strengthening public education


Farmer distress and agricultural reform


Industrial investment and innovation



… are being overshadowed by symbolic issues that provoke emotion but offer little progress.



---


๐Ÿ‘” What Should Devendra Fadnavis Focus On?


As a senior leader with a national image and administrative experience, Devendra Fadnavis must rise above tokenism.


Rather than enforcing top-down language policies, he should focus on ensuring that new businesses entering Maharashtra benefit the local Marathi population, especially youth from rural and semi-urban regions.


He must answer:


Are Marathi-speaking students gaining access to high-quality education and competitive job opportunities?


Is there a clear roadmap for promoting Marathi entrepreneurs, professionals, and startups?


Can industrialization and tech advancement go hand-in-hand with the promotion of local language and culture?




---


✅ A Practical Framework for Language Policy


Here’s what an ideal, balanced language policy might look like:


1. Primary Education in the Mother Tongue: Studies confirm children learn best when taught in their native language, especially in early years.



2. Flexible Language Choices: Parents and schools should have the right to choose the second or third language, based on relevance and future needs.



3. Developing Marathi in Technical Fields: The language must evolve beyond literature — into science, law, commerce, and digital media — if it is to survive and thrive.



4. Promoting Regional Talent: New industrial policies should include dedicated schemes to train and fund Marathi youth in entrepreneurship, innovation, and digital skills.





---


๐Ÿงญ Final Thought: Emotional Issues Need Intellectual Handling


Language is emotional, yes.

But decisions around it must be made with intellect, not impulse.


Maharashtra doesn’t need division over language — it needs policies that respect heritage and empower the future.


Leadership is not about making symbolic headlines. It’s about making meaningful change — and that starts with listening, understanding, and acting with balance.


Farewell to the Legend of Laughter: A Tribute to Asrani Ji


The curtain has fallen on one of Hindi cinema’s most beloved comedians, Govardhan Asrani, affectionately known as Asrani Ji. With his passing on October 20, 2025, at the age of 84, Indian cinema lost not just an actor — but an entire era of genuine, heartwarming comedy.


A Humble Beginning

Born on January 1, 1941, in Jaipur, Rajasthan, Asrani Ji’s journey to stardom was far from easy. Coming from a modest background, he studied during the day and worked as a voice artist at night to support his family. His passion for acting led him to the Film and Television Institute of India (FTII) in Pune, where he honed his craft.

Armed with dedication, discipline, and an unshakable belief in himself, he stepped into Bollywood in the 1960s — a time when the film industry was dominated by larger-than-life heroes. Yet, Asrani carved his own space, not with glamour or action, but with timing, wit, and warmth.


The Rise of a Comedy Icon

His early appearances in films like Hare Rama Hare Krishna and Guddi earned him recognition, but it was his unforgettable role as the eccentric jailor in Sholay (1975) that immortalized him in cinema history.
With the iconic line, “Hum Angrezon ke zamaane ke jailor hain…”, Asrani Ji turned a small supporting role into a performance for the ages — a perfect example of how brilliance needs no length of screen time.

Over the next five decades, he appeared in more than 300 films, bringing life to every character he played. Whether as the innocent friend, the confused clerk, or the loud yet lovable sidekick, he made audiences laugh without ever resorting to vulgarity or mockery. His brand of humor was clean, situational, and deeply human — something that touched hearts across generations.


Beyond Comedy

While audiences remember him for laughter, Asrani Ji’s talent went beyond humor. Films like Abhimaan, Chupke Chupke, and Bawarchi showcased his ability to bring depth and emotion even in small roles. His performances often added a sense of realism and relatability to the story — a rare quality that made him a director’s favorite.

He also directed and produced films, constantly exploring new facets of storytelling. Off screen, he was known for his humility, discipline, and generosity toward younger artists.


The Man Behind the Smile

Behind the ever-smiling face was a man of strong values. Married to actress and director Manju Asrani, he led a simple, contented life, away from the noise of fame. Friends and colleagues often described him as a man who never spoke ill of anyone — a rarity in the world of glamour.

Even in his later years, Asrani Ji continued to work with enthusiasm. His last projects, including Bhoot Bangla and Haiwaan, are expected to release posthumously — a final gift from a man who dedicated his life to cinema.


A Legacy That Lives On

Asrani Ji’s contribution to Indian cinema cannot be measured in awards or box-office numbers. It lives on in the laughter of millions, in the timeless characters he created, and in the inspiration he offered to every aspiring actor who dared to dream despite humble beginnings.

He proved that comedy is not just about making people laugh — it’s about making them feel. His expressions, dialogue delivery, and natural ease will continue to echo in every scene that brings a smile to someone’s face.


Farewell, Master of Smiles

Asrani Ji once said in an interview, “An actor’s true success is when people forget the name and remember the character.”
By that measure, he achieved immortality long ago.

Today, as India mourns his passing, we also celebrate a life that gave us joy, warmth, and hope.
Thank you, Asrani Ji, for filling our screens — and our hearts — with laughter.

Om Shanti.

Thursday, 12 December 2024

One nation one Election!


One Nation, One Election: A Step Towards Electoral Reform

India, the world's largest democracy, holds multiple elections every year at the central, state, and local levels. While this demonstrates the vibrant nature of its democracy, it also brings challenges in terms of governance, expenditure, and political stability. The proposal for "One Nation, One Election" (ONOE), which advocates synchronizing elections for the Lok Sabha (Parliament) and State Legislative Assemblies, seeks to address these challenges. While the concept has its merits, it also poses significant logistical and constitutional hurdles.

Benefits of One Nation, One Election

  1. Reduction in Costs and Resources:
    Conducting elections is an expensive affair. According to the Election Commission of India (ECI), the 2019 Lok Sabha elections cost ₹60,000 crores, including campaign expenses by political parties. ONOE could drastically cut costs related to polling booths, security forces, and administrative staff.

  2. Minimized Governance Disruption:
    Frequent elections often lead to the enforcement of the Model Code of Conduct (MCC), which restricts governments from announcing new policies. This hinders governance and delays developmental projects. Synchronizing elections can provide uninterrupted governance.

  3. Curbing Electoral Fatigue:
    Both voters and political parties experience fatigue due to constant campaigning and elections. ONOE would allow parties to focus more on governance and long-term planning rather than remaining in perpetual election mode.

  4. Enhanced Voter Turnout:
    Holding simultaneous elections might encourage higher voter participation, as citizens would need to vote only once instead of multiple times in a year.

  5. Reduction in Electoral Malpractices:
    Frequent elections increase the chances of vote-buying and other malpractices. A unified election schedule can minimize such instances by consolidating oversight and monitoring efforts.

Challenges of One Nation, One Election

  1. Constitutional and Legal Hurdles:
    The terms of the Lok Sabha and State Assemblies are fixed at five years, but they rarely align. Early dissolution or extension of tenures would require constitutional amendments, raising concerns about the democratic principle of fixed tenures.

  2. Logistical Complexity:
    Conducting a single election for over 900 million voters across India is an enormous task. Ensuring adequate security, polling booths, and electronic voting machines (EVMs) for such a massive exercise would require meticulous planning and significant resources.

  3. Regional Diversity and Federalism:
    India’s states often have diverse political landscapes and priorities. Simultaneous elections may overshadow state-specific issues, as national campaigns and leaders might dominate public discourse.

  4. Risk of Political Instability:
    If a government at either the state or central level collapses, it could disrupt the synchronized election cycle. Would voters be willing to endure prolonged President’s Rule in such scenarios?

  5. Voter Education and Awareness:
    Ensuring voters understand the distinction between central and state issues is crucial. In simultaneous elections, there is a risk of "nationalizing" state elections, which might dilute the federal character of Indian democracy.

Global Examples

Several countries, like Sweden, South Africa, and Indonesia, hold simultaneous elections. These examples demonstrate that the system can work efficiently, provided there is a robust electoral framework and institutional support. However, India's sheer size and diversity make it unique, requiring a tailored approach.

A Balanced Approach: Making ONOE Work

To implement ONOE effectively:

  1. Phased Implementation:
    Instead of an outright shift, elections could be synchronized gradually, starting with a few states aligning their schedules with the Lok Sabha elections.

  2. Constitutional Safeguards:
    Amendments must ensure the democratic process is not compromised. Provisions for handling mid-term dissolutions need to be robust and transparent.

  3. Strengthening Institutions:
    The Election Commission must be equipped with sufficient resources and authority to manage the complexities of ONOE.

  4. Public Consultation:
    Before implementation, the government must engage with stakeholders, including political parties, experts, and citizens, to build consensus and address concerns.

Conclusion

The "One Nation, One Election" proposal presents an opportunity to streamline India's electoral process, reduce costs, and ensure political stability. While it is not without challenges, a phased, well-planned approach with constitutional safeguards can make it a reality. By fostering collaboration and consensus, ONOE could mark a significant step towards strengthening Indian democracy.

References:

  1. Election Commission of India reports and statistics.
  2. Government publications and committee reports on electoral reforms, including the Law Commission's 170th report.
  3. Studies on the impact of simultaneous elections in other democracies (e.g., Sweden and South Africa).
  4. News articles and expert opinions from reputed sources like The Hindu, Indian Express, and PRS Legislative Research.

Why Dr. B.R. Ambedkar Opposed the Creation of Pakistan: His Views on Islam and Muslims


Dr. B.R. Ambedkar, the architect of the Indian Constitution and a social reformer, held nuanced views on the question of India's partition, the creation of Pakistan, and the socio-political dynamics of Islam and Muslims in India. His analysis, as detailed in his book "Pakistan or the Partition of India", provides an in-depth perspective on these issues.

Opposition to the Creation of Pakistan

Babasaheb was critical of the idea of dividing India to create Pakistan. While he acknowledged the grievances of the Muslim League and its demand for a separate nation, he believed that the partition would not solve the fundamental issues of Hindu-Muslim relations. His key objections were:

  1. Practical Challenges: Ambedkar argued that partition would leave a significant number of Muslims in India and Hindus in Pakistan, creating new minority problems rather than resolving existing ones. He believed this would perpetuate communal tensions in both nations.

  2. Economic Disruption: He highlighted the economic interdependence of regions within undivided India. Partition, according to him, would disrupt trade, agriculture, and industries, leading to long-term economic instability for both India and Pakistan.

  3. Unity vs. Division: Ambedkar was a staunch supporter of a unified and secular India. He feared that partition based on religion would set a dangerous precedent and weaken India's national fabric.

Babasaheb's Views on Islam and Muslims

Ambedkar's views on Islam and Muslims were shaped by his commitment to rationality, equality, and justice. He critiqued all forms of social discrimination, whether practiced by Hindus or Muslims. Some of his key observations were:

  1. Islam and Social Hierarchy: Babasaheb noted that Islam, though egalitarian in theory, had adopted caste-like practices in India, such as divisions between Ashrafs (upper-class Muslims) and Ajlafs (lower-class Muslims). He criticized the Muslim community for not addressing these internal inequalities.

  2. Religious Supremacy: He was critical of the concept of religious supremacy inherent in many orthodox interpretations of Islam. He believed that such attitudes hindered harmony between communities and made integration difficult.

  3. Attitude Toward Women: Ambedkar expressed concern over certain Islamic practices regarding women, such as polygamy and the veil, which he felt were detrimental to women's rights and progress.

  4. Communal Politics: Babasaheb was deeply critical of the Muslim League's communal politics and its emphasis on religious identity over national unity. He saw it as a threat to the secular ethos of India.

Ambedkar’s Vision for India

Despite his critiques, Ambedkar was not against Muslims as a community. He advocated for their rights as equal citizens of India and emphasized the need for secular governance that treated all religions equally. He envisioned a society where social justice, equality, and fraternity would transcend religious differences.

Conclusion

Dr. Ambedkar’s opposition to the creation of Pakistan and his views on Islam and Muslims stemmed from his belief in rationality, social justice, and national unity. His critique of religious practices was aimed at fostering reform and ensuring equality for all, regardless of their faith. As India continues to navigate its pluralistic identity, Ambedkar’s insights remain relevant in promoting harmony and unity in diversity.

Pushpa 2: A Fiery Sequel That Delivers the Swag!

After much anticipation, Pushpa 2: The Rule has arrived, and let me just say, Sukumar and Allu Arjun don’t disappoint. If you thought the first installment was wild, this one cranks up the intensity, the drama, and yes, the attitude to eleven. The movie gives us everything we loved about the original, but with a turbocharged dose of masala and madness.

Let’s talk about the man of the hour: Pushpa Raj. Allu Arjun is back with his signature swag, unshakable confidence, and the kind of one-liners that will have you saying them in front of your mirror for weeks. Whether he’s giving a smirk that could melt glaciers or delivering punches (both verbal and physical), Pushpa owns the screen. This time, he’s not just the underdog fighting for survival; he’s laying down the law like he wrote the rulebook himself.

What Worked (or Rather, Blazed):

  1. Allu Arjun’s Performance: He carries the film like it’s his personal throne. His dialogues, mannerisms, and larger-than-life presence are worth the price of admission alone. The "Thaggede Le" vibe? Still intact, but now with a bigger roar.

  2. Action Sequences: The stunts are so intense, you’ll probably walk out of the theater ready to lift a mountain or at least your neighbor’s scooter. From jungle chases to explosive showdowns, the movie doesn’t let up for a second.

  3. Fahadh Faasil as the Villain: Fahadh continues to shine as the cunning and unpredictable Bhanwar Singh. Watching him go toe-to-toe with Pushpa is like watching a chess game, only with more guns and fewer rules.

  4. Music and BGM: DSP’s music adds another layer of drama. The tracks might make you want to dance on the spot (don’t—your fellow audience might not appreciate it). The background score? A pure adrenaline rush.

  5. Pushpa’s Dialogue: This man can make a simple "Aiyyo" sound like a declaration of war. His comebacks will have you laughing, cheering, and maybe even considering a career in smuggling (just kidding… or am I?).

What Could Have Been Better:

While Pushpa 2 excels in most areas, the pacing occasionally takes a backseat, especially in the middle. Some subplots felt stretched longer than my list of New Year’s resolutions I’ll never fulfill. Also, while the film celebrates its hero, it could have given its female characters more to do than just stand by looking worried. Rashmika Mandanna is great in her role, but we wanted more Srivalli moments.

Verdict:

Pushpa 2: The Rule is an unapologetic celebration of action, drama, and sheer star power. It’s the kind of movie where logic sometimes takes a nap, but entertainment stays wide awake. With Allu Arjun ruling the jungle and the screen, you’ll leave the theater pumped, quoting dialogues, and maybe practicing a little swag walk of your own.

It’s not perfect, but it’s a firecracker of a film that’s sure to keep you hooked.

Rating: 4/5

Should you watch it? Yes, but remember: Thaggede Le on the popcorn.


The Plight of Hindus in Bangladesh: Challenges and the Path Forward

 The Plight of Hindus in Bangladesh: Challenges and the Path Forward

Bangladesh, a country rich in history and culture, has been celebrated for its pluralistic traditions. However, the Hindu minority, which makes up around 8-10% of the population, continues to face significant challenges. These issues stem from a mix of social, political, and economic factors, often overshadowed by broader narratives about the country's development.


Historical Context

The roots of the challenges faced by Hindus in Bangladesh can be traced back to the Partition of 1947 and the subsequent creation of Pakistan. During this period, large-scale migrations occurred, with Hindus facing persecution and displacement. Even after Bangladesh's liberation in 1971, the scars of communal tensions persisted. While the nation's constitution initially aimed to ensure equal rights for all citizens, political shifts and social unrest have often sidelined these promises.


Challenges Faced by Hindus

  1. Religious Violence
    Periodic outbreaks of violence against Hindus, especially during communal riots, have left many feeling unsafe. Temples are often vandalized, and Hindu festivals are disrupted. Incidents of mob violence against Hindu communities have been reported during political unrest or as retaliation for events abroad, creating an atmosphere of fear.

  2. Land Grabbing and Displacement
    The Vested Property Act (formerly known as the Enemy Property Act) has disproportionately affected Hindu families, allowing their land and properties to be seized under the guise of legality. This has led to the economic marginalization of many Hindu families, forcing them to migrate or live in impoverished conditions.

  3. Discrimination and Marginalization
    Hindus often face discrimination in education, employment, and politics. While there are notable Hindu leaders, the overall representation of Hindus in governance and policymaking remains low. This underrepresentation exacerbates their marginalization.

  4. Social Stigma and Fear
    Many Hindus report living under constant fear of being targeted due to their religion. Harassment and social exclusion are not uncommon, especially in rural areas. Women and children are particularly vulnerable, with cases of forced conversions and abductions being reported.

  5. Political Exploitation
    Religious issues are often politicized in Bangladesh, with Hindus caught in the crossfire. During elections, political parties may promise protection for minority communities but fail to deliver once in power.

The Path Forward

Addressing the challenges faced by Hindus in Bangladesh requires a multifaceted approach:


  1. Legal Reforms
    The government must address outdated laws like the Vested Property Act and ensure property rights for all citizens, regardless of religion. Enforcing laws against communal violence and hate speech is also crucial.

  2. Educational and Social Awareness
    Promoting interfaith harmony through education and awareness campaigns can help reduce social stigmas and foster mutual respect among communities.

  3. Political Representation
    Increasing the representation of Hindus in politics and decision-making bodies can ensure their voices are heard and their concerns addressed.

  4. International Advocacy
    The global community, including neighboring countries, must encourage Bangladesh to uphold its commitments to minority rights. Diplomatic dialogue and support can help Bangladesh strengthen its democratic and pluralistic values.

  5. Empowering Hindu Communities
    Providing resources for education, skill development, and entrepreneurship can empower Hindu communities to overcome economic and social challenges.

Hope for the Future

Despite the challenges, there are signs of hope. Many civil society groups, activists, and organizations within Bangladesh are working to protect minority rights and promote harmony. The government's recent initiatives to rebuild temples and support religious minorities are steps in the right direction, though much more needs to be done.

Bangladesh has the potential to be a model of coexistence in South Asia. By addressing the issues faced by Hindus and other minorities, the nation can uphold its founding principles of equality and justice, ensuring a brighter future for all its citizens.


What Can You Do?
Stay informed, raise awareness, and support organizations working to protect minority rights in Bangladesh. Together, we can amplify the voices of the voiceless and work toward a more inclusive world.

Wednesday, 11 December 2024

เคฌांเค—เคฒाเคฆेเคถ, เคฆुเคธเคฐे เคชाเค•िเคธ्เคคाเคจ.

 **เคฌांเค—เคฒाเคฆेเคถเคฎเคงीเคฒ เคนिंเคฆूंเคš्เคฏा เคธเคฎเคธ्เคฏा: เคเค• เคšिंเคคเคจ**  


เคฌांเค—เคฒाเคฆेเคถ เคนा เคฆเค•्เคทिเคฃ เค†เคถिเคฏाเคคीเคฒ เคเค• เคฒเคนाเคจเคธा เคฆेเคถ เค…เคธूเคจ, เคค्เคฏाเคšा เคฌเคนुเคธंเค–्เคฏ เคธเคฎाเคœ เคฎुเคธ्เคฒिเคฎ เคงเคฐ्เคฎीเคฏ เค†เคนे. เคคเคฅाเคชि, เคคिเคฅे เคนिंเคฆूंเคšा เคเค• เคฎोเค ा เค…เคฒ्เคชเคธंเค–्เคฏाเค• เค—เคŸเคนी เค†เคนे, เคœ्เคฏांเคšा เคญाเคฐเคค เค†เคฃि เคฌांเค—เคฒाเคฆेเคถ เคฏांเคš्เคฏा เคเคคिเคนाเคธिเค•, เคธांเคธ्เค•ृเคคिเค•, เค†เคฃि เคงाเคฐ्เคฎिเค• เคธंเคฌंเคงांเคถी เค–ोเคฒ เคธंเคฌंเคง เค†เคนे. เคชเคฐंเคคु เค—ेเคฒ्เคฏा เค•ाเคนी เคฆเคถเค•ांเคชाเคธूเคจ, เคฌांเค—เคฒाเคฆेเคถाเคคीเคฒ เคนिंเคฆूंเคตเคฐ เคนोเคฃाเคฑ्เคฏा เค…เคค्เคฏाเคšाเคฐांเคšी เคธเคฎเคธ्เคฏा เคธเคคเคค เคšเคฐ्เคšेเคค เค†เคนे.  


**เค‡เคคिเคนाเคธ เคต เคชाเคฐ्เคถ्เคตเคญूเคฎी**  

เคฌांเค—เคฒाเคฆेเคถ เฅงเฅฏเฅญเฅง เคธाเคฒी เคชाเค•िเคธ्เคคाเคจเคชाเคธूเคจ เคธ्เคตเคคंเคค्เคฐ เคाเคฒा เคคेเคต्เคนा, เคฆेเคถाเคš्เคฏा เค˜เคŸเคจाเคค्เคฎเค• เคคเคค्เคค्เคตांเคฎเคง्เคฏे เคงเคฐ्เคฎเคจिเคฐเคชेเค•्เคทเคคेเคฒा เคฎเคนเคค्เคค्เคต เคฆेเคฃ्เคฏाเคค เค†เคฒे เคนोเคคे. เคชเคฐंเคคु เคชुเคขीเคฒ เค•ाเคณाเคค, เคฐाเคœเค•ीเคฏ เค†เคฃि เคธाเคฎाเคœिเค• เคชเคฐिเคธ्เคฅिเคคींเคฎुเคณे เค‡เคธ्เคฒाเคฎ เคนा เค…เคงिเค• เคช्เคฐเคญाเคตเคถाเคฒी เคाเคฒा, เค†เคฃि เคนिंเคฆू เค…เคฒ्เคชเคธंเค–्เคฏांเค• เค…เคงिเค•ाเคงिเค• เค…เคธुเคฐเค•्เคทिเคค เคाเคฒे.  


เคนिंเคฆूंเคš्เคฏा เค…เคค्เคฏाเคšाเคฐांเคšी เคธเคฎเคธ्เคฏा เค•ेเคตเคณ เคงाเคฐ्เคฎिเค• เคจाเคนी, เคคเคฐ เคค्เคฏाเคค เคฐाเคœเค•ीเคฏ, เคธाเคฎाเคœिเค• เค†เคฃि เค†เคฐ्เคฅिเค• เคฎुเคฆ्เคฆ्เคฏांเคšाเคนी เคธเคฎाเคตेเคถ เค†เคนे. เคนिंเคฆूंเคš्เคฏा เคœเคฎिเคจी เคฌเคณเค•ाเคตเคฃे, เคค्เคฏांเคš्เคฏाเคตเคฐ เคœเคฌเคฐเคฆเคธ्เคคीเคจे เคงเคฐ्เคฎांเคคเคฐ เคฒाเคฆเคฃे, เคฎंเคฆिเคฐे เค‰เคฆ्เคง्เคตเคธ्เคค เค•เคฐเคฃे, เค†เคฃि เคฎเคนिเคฒांเคตเคฐ เคฒैंเค—िเค• เค…เคค्เคฏाเคšाเคฐ เคฏा เคธเคฎเคธ्เคฏा เคตाเคฐंเคตाเคฐ เคธเคฎोเคฐ เคฏेเคค เค†เคนेเคค.  


 **เคธเคง्เคฏाเคšी เคชเคฐिเคธ्เคฅिเคคी**  

เค—ेเคฒ्เคฏा เค•ाเคนी เคตเคฐ्เคทांเคค, เคฌांเค—เคฒाเคฆेเคถाเคค เคนिंเคฆू เคธเคฎुเคฆाเคฏाเคตเคฐीเคฒ เค…เคค्เคฏाเคšाเคฐांเคšे เค…เคจेเค• เคช्เคฐเค•ाเคฐ เคฆिเคธूเคจ เค†เคฒे เค†เคนेเคค:  

1. **เคฎंเคฆिเคฐे เค‰เคฆ्เคง्เคตเคธ्เคค เค•เคฐเคฃे:** เคนिंเคฆू เคงเคฐ्เคฎเคธ्เคฅเคณांเคตเคฐ เคตाเคฐंเคตाเคฐ เคนเคฒ्เคฒे เคนोเคคाเคค. เคฎूเคฐ्เคคींเคšी เคตिเคŸंเคฌเคจा เค•ेเคฒी เคœाเคคे เค†เคฃि เค…เคจेเค• เคฎंเคฆिเคฐांเคจा เคคोเคกूเคจ เคŸाเค•เคฒे เคœाเคคे.  

2. **เคœเคฎिเคจींเคšे เค…เคจเคงिเค•ृเคค เคฌเคณเค•ाเคตเคฃे:** เคนिंเคฆूंเคจा เคค्เคฏांเคš्เคฏा เคฎाเคฒเคฎเคค्เคคांเคตเคฐूเคจ เคนเคŸเคตเคฃ्เคฏाเคšे เคช्เคฐเคฏเคค्เคจ เคตाเคฐंเคตाเคฐ เคฆिเคธเคคाเคค.  

3. **เคงाเคฐ्เคฎिเค• เคนिंเคธा:** เค•ाเคนी เคงाเคฐ्เคฎिเค• เค‰เคค्เคธเคตांเคš्เคฏा เคตेเคณी เคนिंเคฆूंเคตเคฐ เคนเคฒ्เคฒे เคนोเคฃे, เคฎเคนिเคฒांเคตเคฐ เค…เคค्เคฏाเคšाเคฐ เคนोเคฃे เค†เคฃि เค˜เคฐं เคœाเคณเคฃे เคฏांเคธाเคฐเค–्เคฏा เค˜เคŸเคจा เคธเคฎोเคฐ เคฏेเคคाเคค.  

4. **เคงเคฐ्เคฎांเคคเคฐाเคšा เคฆเคฌाเคต:** เคนिंเคฆू เคฎเคนिเคฒांเคจा เคœเคฌเคฐเคฆเคธ्เคคीเคจे เค‡เคธ्เคฒाเคฎ เคงเคฐ्เคฎ เคธ्เคตीเค•ाเคฐाเคฏเคฒा เคฒाเคตเคฃे เค•िंเคตा เคฎुเคธ्เคฒिเคฎांเคถी เคฒเค—्เคจ เค•เคฐเคฃे เคฏाเคธाเค ी เคฆเคฌाเคต เคŸाเค•เคฒा เคœाเคคो.  


**เค•ाเคฐเคฃे เคต เค†เคต्เคนाเคจे**  

1. **เคฐाเคœเค•ीเคฏ เคธ्เคฅिเคฐเคคेเคšा เค…เคญाเคต:** เคฌांเค—เคฒाเคฆेเคถाเคคीเคฒ เคฐाเคœเค•ीเคฏ เคธंเค˜เคฐ्เคทांเคจी เคฏा เคธเคฎเคธ्เคฏा เค…เคงिเค• เค—ुंเคคाเค—ुंเคคीเคš्เคฏा เค•ेเคฒ्เคฏा เค†เคนेเคค.  

2. **เค•เค ोเคฐ เค•ाเคฏเคฆ्เคฏांเคšी เค…ंเคฎเคฒเคฌเคœाเคตเคฃी เคจเคธเคฃे:** เคนिंเคฆूเคตिเคฐोเคงी เค…เคค्เคฏाเคšाเคฐ เค•เคฐเคฃाเคฑ्เคฏांเคตเคฐ เค•เค ोเคฐ เค•ाเคฐเคตाเคˆ เคนोเคค เคจเคธเคฒ्เคฏाเคฎुเคณे เค—ुเคจ्เคนेเค—ाเคฐांเคจा เค‰เค˜เคก เคธंเคฐเค•्เคทเคฃ เคฎिเคณเคคे.  

3. **เคธाเคฎाเคœिเค• เคฎाเคจเคธिเค•เคคा:** เคงाเคฐ्เคฎिเค• เค…เคฒ्เคชเคธंเค–्เคฏांเค•ांเคจा เคฆुเคฏ्เคฏเคฎ เคฎाเคจเคฃ्เคฏाเคšी เคช्เคฐเคตृเคค्เคคी เคตाเคขเคฒी เค†เคนे, เคœी เคธเคนिเคท्เคฃुเคคेเคฒा เค†เคต्เคนाเคจ เคฆेเคคे.  


**เคญเคตिเคท्เคฏाเคธाเค ी เค‰เคชाเคฏ**  

1. **เคฎเคœเคฌूเคค เค†ंเคคเคฐเคฐाเคท्เคŸ्เคฐीเคฏ เคนเคธ्เคคเค•्เคทेเคช:** เคญाเคฐเคคाเคธเคน เคœाเค—เคคिเค• เคธเคฎुเคฆाเคฏाเคจे เคฌांเค—เคฒाเคฆेเคถाเคตเคฐ เคฆเคฌाเคต เค†เคฃूเคจ เคคिเคฅे เค…เคฒ्เคชเคธंเค–्เคฏांเค•ांเคš्เคฏा เคธंเคฐเค•्เคทเคฃाเคธाเค ी เคช्เคฐเคญाเคตी เค‰เคชाเคฏเคฏोเคœเคจा เค•เคฐเคฃ्เคฏाเคšी เคฎाเค—เคฃी เค•เคฐाเคตी.  

2. **เคฎीเคกिเคฏा เค†เคฃि เคœเคจเคœाเค—ृเคคी:** เคนिंเคฆूंเคตเคฐीเคฒ เค…เคค्เคฏाเคšाเคฐांเคšे เคธเคค्เคฏ เคœเค—ाเคธเคฎोเคฐ เค†เคฃเคฃ्เคฏाเคธाเค ी เคฎाเคง्เคฏเคฎांเคšी เคญूเคฎिเค•ा เคฎเคนเคค्เคค्เคตाเคšी เค เคฐเคคे.  

3. **เคงเคฐ्เคฎเคจिเคฐเคชेเค•्เคทเคคा เค†เคฃि เคธเคนिเคท्เคฃुเคคा:** เคฌांเค—เคฒाเคฆेเคถ เคธเคฐเค•ाเคฐเคจे เค†เคชเคฒा เคงเคฐ्เคฎเคจिเคฐเคชेเค•्เคทเคคाเคตाเคฆी เคฆृเคท्เคŸिเค•ोเคจ เคฌเคณเค•เคŸ เค•เคฐूเคจ เคธเคฐ्เคต เคงเคฐ्เคฎीเคฏांเคจा เคธเคฎाเคจ เคนเค•्เค• เคฆेเคฃ्เคฏाเคธाเค ी เคช्เคฐเคฏเคค्เคจ เค•เคฐเคฃे เค—เคฐเคœेเคšे เค†เคนे.  


**เคจिเคท्เค•เคฐ्เคท**  

เคฌांเค—เคฒाเคฆेเคถाเคคीเคฒ เคนिंเคฆू เคธเคฎाเคœ เค…เคจेเค• เค†เคต्เคนाเคจांเคšा เคธाเคฎเคจा เค•เคฐเคค เค†เคนे. เคฏा เคชเคฐिเคธ्เคฅिเคคीเคตเคฐ เคคोเคกเค—ा เค•ाเคขเคฃ्เคฏाเคธाเค ी เค•ेเคตเคณ เคฌांเค—เคฒाเคฆेเคถ เคธเคฐเค•ाเคฐเคš เคจाเคนी, เคคเคฐ เคœाเค—เคคिเค• เคธเคฎुเคฆाเคฏाเคจेเคนी เคชुเคขाเค•ाเคฐ เค˜ेเคฃे เค†เคตเคถ्เคฏเค• เค†เคนे. เคถांเคคเคคा, เคธเคนिเคท्เคฃुเคคा, เค†เคฃि เคธเคฎाเคจเคคेเคธाเค ी เค•ेเคฒेเคฒा เคนा เคธंเค˜เคฐ्เคท เค•ेเคตเคณ เคนिंเคฆूंเคšा เคจाเคนी, เคคเคฐ เคฎाเคจเคตเคคेเคš्เคฏा เคธाเคฐ्เคตเคค्เคฐिเค• เคฎुเคฒ्เคฏांเคšा เค†เคนे.